関連団体「南京の真実国民運動」は、2024年12月20日、中国大使館宛に「南京事件はあったとする、中華人民共和国駐日本国大使館のXに対する抗議」を送付しました。
月: 2024年12月
対中問題 世界の中国系人々は中国政府に反抗せよ
【英語版】https://i-rich.org/?p=2225
国際歴史論戦研究所 会長 杉原誠四郎
2024年9月18日、中国の深圳で、日本人学校に通う日本人の親子が44歳の中国人男性に襲われ、男児が刺されて死亡するという事件が起きた。
これは1989年に中国共産党総書記に就任した江沢民によって始められた愛国教育によって始まった特定国家に対する敵対教育によるものである。つまり日本に対してなされた反日教育の成果といえるものだ。天安門事件などによる民主化運動を鎮圧して、中国における中国共産党の支配の体制を維持するための手段として反日教育を始めたのであった。
現在の国家の有り様について考えると、政治権力掌握者を国民の意思によって定期的に交替させ、国家の意思をほぼその構成員たる国民の意思の下に形成する民主国家の在り方がある。古代国家では選挙自体が不可能であったが、それが可能となった今日にあっては、選挙を通じて国家の意思は国民の意思の下にあるべきだというのは、法の進化という観点からも正しいことであろう。
が、今日、共産党等の特定の政治集団及び人物が政治権力を掌握して、それらの権力掌握の集団、人物によって国家の意思を形成する専制国家が存在している。
その両者の得失を比較すると、例えば戦争抑止という点では、民主国家の方が明らかに優れている。
かつて国民自身が好戦的でありえた時代があったが、第二次世界大戦を経て戦争の悲惨さを歴史的体験として体験してきた今日、また戦場の状況をテレビやスマホで身近に見ることができるようになった今日、国民は原則的には好戦的であることはできなくなった。というのも、戦争を始めて戦場で死の危険に遭うのは国家を形成している国民のうちの誰かであり、それを身近に感じれば、国民の間に戦争を忌避する傾向が生まれるのは必然である。それが国家の意思に反映し戦争の抑止に効果するのである。
他方、専制国家では、政治権力の権力掌握の集団、個人は、国家の意思として戦争を始めたとき、自らは死の危険に遭遇することはない。したがって、それだけ戦争への抑止が弱くなる。さらに国民の委託を受けていないその支配の体制たる専制体制を維持するために、国民を緊張させる必要があるとしたとき、その手段として戦争に訴える可能性を持っている。したがって専制国家は戦争を抑止する力がそれだけ弱い。
これを、特定国への敵対教育で考えてみると、21世紀の国際平和を考えれば、そのような特定国への敵対教育はそれ自体望ましいものではないというのは論を俟たない。専制国家では、その国家で権力掌握集団及び個人が、その国家における国民への専制支配の体制の維持自体を目的として政策を立てなければならなくなり、そのために政治上の権力行使が行われる。国家の利益のためだと権力掌握者は言うけれども、結局は体制を維持して権力掌握集団、個人の利益を図るためのものであるほかはない。
そして専制国家は、その専制体制の維持のための必然の結果として国民の自由を認めることができない。結果、結局は国民を抑圧することになる。
現在の中国国民は、反日教育に冒されて日本に対して激しく憎悪しながらも、権力掌握集団または人物によって自由を奪われ、その抑圧に喘いでいるのだ。
そこで世界の中国系の人々への提案なのだが、現在、世界では、アメリカやオーストラリア等で、それぞれの国の国籍を持って中国政府の支配を受けていない中国系人々が大勢いる。その人たちが、驚いたことに、時折、中国政府の対外謀略活動に協力して、反日教育を煽ったり、中国政府の戦狼外交に協力したりすることがある。
だが、考えて欲しい。こうして中国政府を支援することは、中国本土にいる同朋の中国人が一方的に自由を奪われ、喘いでいるのを放置し、さらには維持、強化していることになるのではないか。もしこうして中国政府に協力するならば、彼ら、中国本土にいる中国人の自由をいっそう奪い、喘ぎ苦しむのをいっそう深刻にしていることになるのではないか 世界に散っている、中国国籍以外の国籍を持っている中国系の人々は、まさに現在の中国政府の有り様を批判し、反抗することが、中国本土にいる同朋の中国人を助けることになり、そのうえさらには世界の平和に尽くすことになるのではないか。そのことを中国国籍以外の国籍を持っている世界の中国系の人々に訴えたいのだ。
国連女子差別撤廃委員会に参加して~勧告守って国滅ぼすな
【英語版】
国際歴史論戦研究所 所長 山本優美子
2024年10月にジュネーブ国連にて女子差別撤廃委員会89セッションが行われ、8年ぶりに対日本審査会が行われた。私もNGOとして参加し、協力関係にあるいくつかの団体と共に現地で活動した。委員会は会期後に日本政府への総括所見を発表。その中で、男系男子皇位継承を定める皇室典範の改正を含めた様々な勧告を記した。
条約の委員会とNGO
国連の人権条約の委員会では、国の現状に不満を持っているNGOが制度や法律を変える目的で活動する。彼らは何らかの人権問題の被害者又は支援者として委員会に訴える。委員は、市民は国家から抑圧されているものだという前提でNGOの意見に寄り添う。弱者を救済するのが世界各地から選ばれた人権エキスパートの委員の仕事だ。
人権条約を締結した国は、条約の委員会から数年毎に条約の履行状況を審査される。審査会には、NGOと称すれば誰でも参加することが可能だ。手続きを踏めば、委員会に意見書を提出できるし、ジュネーブ国連での会合で発言も出来る。
この対国連活動に熱心なNGOは所謂左派リベラルの市民団体だ。特に日本の場合は、他国に比べて参加するNGOの数が断然多い。今回の女子差別撤廃委員会では、事前に40以上のNGOが意見書を提出。ジュネーブの会合で発言したNGOはおよそ30団体、対日審査会の参加者は100人近くいた。このうち当研究所を含め我々が関係する所謂保守系NGOは6団体13名。つまり、9割近くが左派NGOとその関係者ということになる。これも10年前まで保守系はゼロであった。
委員会が総括所見で発表する勧告には法的拘束力はないが、国連信仰の深い日本では絶大な効果がある。「国連勧告」を履行しなくては国際社会から後れを取ると勘違いする人が多いからだ。
条約があるから勧告がある
既に総括所見で勧告された問題について反論し、勧告を取り下げさせるのは非常に難しい。何故なら勧告は条約に沿ったものだからだ。例えば日本軍慰安婦問題。慰安婦は強制連行もされていないし性奴隷でもなく契約に基づく公娼であったと説明しても、元慰安婦への救済措置を求める勧告は変わらない。それは、女子差別撤廃条約の第六条に「女性の売春からの搾取に対して適当な措置をとる」とあるからだ。夫婦別姓は家族の絆を損ない戸籍制度が無くなると反論しても、やはり夫婦別姓が勧告される。第十一条に「姓を選択する権利」があるからだ。
六十のパラグラフからなる今回の総括所見には、他にも様々な勧告が記されている。例えば、セクシュアル・リプロダクティブ・ヘルス/ライツ(SRHR)の名の元に、16歳の女児から避妊・中絶・堕胎薬を保護者や配偶者の同意なくできるように勧告されている。これも第十二条「家族計画に関連する男女平等の保健サービスを享受する」に沿った勧告なのだ。
皇室典範への勧告
日本は1985年に女子差別撤廃条約を締結したが、締結前の国会(5月29日、第102回衆議院外務委員会)で当時の安倍晋太郎外相は条約と皇室典範との関係について次のように述べている。
「皇位継承資格が男系の男子の皇族に限られていることは、本条約第一条に定義されているところの女子に対する差別には該当しない。」
日本政府は条約締結前から、皇室典範との関係について疑問の出る可能性があることを認識していた。
2001年に愛子内親王が誕生され、2年後の2003年、対日審査会でフィリピンのマナロ委員から初めて皇室についての質問があった。
「皇室と日本政府は、プリンセス愛子が女性天皇になるように法を改正することを検討したことがありますか?」
この時の総括所見では、皇室典範は取り上げられなかった。
2016年の対日審査会では、皇室典範の話は一切出なかった。にもかかわらず、会期後に発表されようとした総括所見に「皇室典範の男系男子は女性差別」という勧告が盛り込まれそうになった。議論されなかった問題を総括所見で扱うのは手続き上問題がある。日本政府からの抗議もあり、公開前に削除された。
次に不意打ちが起こった。2020年3月9日付で委員会が発表した「日本政府への事前質問リスト」に突然、皇室典範について「女性の皇位継承が可能になることを想定した措置についての詳細を説明せよ」との質問が記された。日本のNGO「公益社団法人 自由人権協会 」が提出した意見書「皇室典範が天皇となりうる者を男系男子にしか認めないのは、女子差別撤廃条約の差別の定義に該当する」を委員会が取り上げたのだ。
この事前質問リストに対して、日本政府は2021年9月、第9回政府報告書で次のように回答した。
「我が国の皇室制度も諸外国の王室制度も、それぞれの国の歴史や伝統を背景に、国民の支持を得て今日に至っているものであり、皇室典範に定める我が国の皇位継承の在り方は、国家の基本に関わる事項である。女性に対する差別の撤廃を目的とする本条約の趣旨に照らし、委員会が我が国の皇室典範について取り上げることは適当ではない。」
2024年10月にジュネーブで行われる対日審査会において、皇室典範が扱われることは事前に分かっていた。頼もしいことに「皇統(男系男子)を守る国民連合の会」(葛城奈海会長)が対委員会活動に取り組むこととなった。事前意見書提出、現地での会合に参加し、公開会合でのNGO発言、追加意見書提出、パンフレットを委員たちに直接手渡して説明もした。皇室典範が女性差別とは全く関係ないという資料や情報は委員に充分伝わったはずだ。
それにも関わらず委員会は、会期後に発表した総括所見で皇室典範について日本政府に対し次のように勧告した。
「委員会は締約国に、皇位継承法の男女平等を確保するように改正した他締約国の良い取組に注目し、皇位継承に男女平等を保障するよう皇室典範の改正を勧告する。」
委員会は、皇室典範は条約の第1条「いかなる分野においても男女の平等」と第2条「男女平等の実現を法律の手段による確保」に関わる問題とした。委員会は勧告にあたって、締約国の国柄、文化、伝統、歴史は考慮しないことが改めて明白となった。
勧告守って国滅ぼすな
私が最初にジュネーブの国連に行ったのが2014年、自由権規約委員会の対日審査会であった。慰安婦は性奴隷とする委員会に、性奴隷ではないとう主張を伝えるためである。委員は世界各地域から選ばれた有識者だ。彼らは日本の左派の情報しかインプットされてこなかったが、我々が正論で真実を伝えれば少しは理解してくれるだろう、と期待していた。その後、いくつかの条約の委員会での活動を経た上で今回良く分かったのが、問題は条約にあることだ。委員は条約に則って勧告を発するのが仕事だ。その委員はリベラル・フェミニスト思想である。赤い条約の下、赤いエキスパート委員が、赤い日本のNGOの意見を取り入れ、赤い勧告を発するのが委員会なのだ。反論を聞きはするが取り入れることはない。
女子差別撤廃条約を締結したまま、委員会の審査と勧告を受け続けるのが日本にとって良いのか。締約国でなければ審査も受けず、勧告もされない。皇室への尊敬の念など全くない今回の皇室典範改正の勧告だけでも、条約を廃棄する充分な理由だと考える。ジュネーブ国連の対日審査が行われる会議室のあの異様な雰囲気を経験して、日本があの空気に覆われて日本でなくなっていくのは絶対に避けたい。
Limit of the usability of WWW technology in historical controversies
Nonoda Takahiro
Researcher
International Research Institute of Controversial Histories
Japanese https://i-rich.org/?p=2129
1. Introduction—the popularization of the Internet and the present
The commercial use of the Internet was authorized in 1994, and since then the Internet has been an indispensable infrastructure in our present-day social life. An ubiquitous society where everything is inter-connected through a network, which this author referred to in the iRICH statement of December 2022 that Professor Sakamura Ken conceived “a society where everything is connected to a network” (ubiquitous or later, IoT (Internet of Things)[i], has been realized more than thirty years after the TRON project (The Real-time Operating System Nucleus) launched.
In this paper, bearing in mind that with the Internet the way information is disseminated and shared has drastically changed, let me discuss the aggregated information in the World Wide Web (WWW) and its relation to historical controversies.
2.From Web1.0 to Web3.0
In Web1.0, many individuals have their own website and disseminate diary entries, photos, hobbies and other things of interest. The characteristic of WWW during this phase was that “sender” and “receiver” were clearly present. In this WWW generation, expertise and information were completely within the individual website and the necessary information was being accessed through search engines.
In Web2.0[ii], a large volume of information is concentrated into an information-disseminating platform. YouTube and Wikipedia serve as such platforms. Social networking services, such as Facebook, Instagram and Line attract many users, and information is disseminated toward bilateral directions. These platforms are provided by private companies and naturally, companies providing infrastructure to run such platforms become prevailing.[iii] The so-called GAFAM (Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon, Microsoft) companies are famous and control information in the name of “community rules.”
Web3.0[iv] intends to be free from dependance on platforms. Ultimately, this invention can be considered an effort to make WWW free space by eliminating the need for GAFAM. Concretely, they try to become less dependent on platforms by setting up information diversely.
3.World Wide Web and historical controversies
At the time of Web1.0, individual or group disseminators expressed their own views in the form of a website and the information was posted diversely. In that way, few arguments occurred and even if they did, they were dealt with within the individual website and no all-out argument involving the entire WWW could occur.
In Wikipedia, as an example of the platforms of the Web2.0 period, users post articles on a specific issue and the information is put in order after users’ reviews are posted and the ultimate agreement is reached. In Wikipedia, according to their rules[v], it is required to allow posted information to be cited by viewers and to clearly specify websites, academic papers and publications as information sources. Since there is a risk of authors of articles having partial information sources, to brush up articles with respect to impartiality, a reviewing process is very useful, contributing greatly to this effort. If arguments go the wrong way, Wikipedia information can become biased or misleading or even fake. When getting information from Wikipedia, users should be aware of this risk.
4.Historical controversies in generative AI
Information produced by generative AI, as mentioned in the previous section, largely depends on “teachers’ data” and “machine learning.” Brushing up by machine learning is “expected”, but since this is based on the “view of human nature as fundamentally good,” there is a risk of fake information to be provided by ill-intentioned users. Generative AI has a grave technical issue of how to eliminate ill-willed users.
5.Conclusion
Thus, the history of the World Wide Web has been briefly explained. While information is integrated and stored as a mammoth date file, it is eventually used by a system like generative AI, which extracts information from the gigantic database and presents it as transformed texts.
In historical studies, false study results have been disseminated to the world, and to correct such false results, not only researchers but also the public should realize that in pursing true historical studies, the use of AI has certain limitations. “Teachers’ data” which are the basis of the conclusion generative AI extracts are mostly based on wrong study results in the past, so generative AI makes conclusions based on wrong data and naturally, such conclusions induced by generative AI are wrong. Let me conduct a case study on a theme the International Research Institute of Controversial Histories deals with.
[Case Study]: Evaluation of generative AI in the “comfort women issue”
As an example of generative AI, let me put a question to the two versions of the typical general AI system ChatGPT and examine the results. Let us ask the generative AI system an ambiguous question. The purpose is to analyze in how many sentences the AI answers the question and whether the answer is based on multiple-phased viewpoints (unbiased). As generative AI, ChatGPT is used with the versions GPT-3.5 and GPT-4o.
GPT-4o is a later-versioned AI system, which is equipped with consolidated teachers’ data and tuned-up generative AI engine.
Question: About Comfort women in the Greater East Asian War
Answer (GPT3.5)
The issue of comfort women during the Greater East Asia War (Pacific War) refers to the Japanese military establishing comfort stations in war zones and forcibly mobilizing women (especially those who served during the war) to be used as sexual slaves. This is considered a form of military sexual exploitation and human rights violation during wartime. The Japanese government has previously taken steps to apologize and provide compensation for this issue, but there remain differences in recognition and historical perspectives among the victims and involved parties.
Author’s analysis and consideration:
The contents closely resemble the likely words inscribed on the comfort woman statues built in the United States. The answer is short in less than 200 words. The answer is written only from the viewpoint of the victims and remains a one-sided account.
Answer (GPT-4.0)
The comfort women issue during the Greater East Asia War (World War II) is a historical problem involving the forced use of women as sex slaves by the Japanese military during the war. Below is an overview of the issue.
Background
Comfort women refer to women who were forced to work in comfort stations set up to provide sexual services to Japanese soldiers. These women were gathered not only from Japan but also from Korea, China, the Philippines, Indonesia, and other regions occupied by Japan.
Recruitment Methods
Many comfort women were forcibly taken through violence and deception. The recruitment involved the military and government, and women were often tricked into going by promises of good jobs.
Conditions in Comfort Stations
Life in the comfort stations was extremely harsh. The women were subject to daily sexual violence, and their health deteriorated. Many of them could not return home until the war ended, and even after returning, they continued to suffer from psychological and physical trauma.
Postwar Response
After the war, the Japanese government denied or downplayed the comfort women issue for a long time. However, in the 1990s, former comfort women began to speak out, attracting international attention. In 1993, then Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono issued the “Kono Statement,” acknowledging the Japanese military’s involvement and coercion, and apologized. However, the issue remains unresolved, with ongoing debates over historical recognition and compensation.
Current Situation
The comfort women issue is a particularly important topic in Japan-South Korea relations. In 2015, the Japanese and South Korean governments reached an agreement for a “final and irreversible resolution,” but there has been strong opposition to this agreement, and the issue remains unresolved.
The comfort women issue needs to continue to be discussed as an important historical matter, respecting the dignity and human rights of the women who were victims of the war.
Author’s analysis and consideration:
There are 723 words, three times more than the other answer. However, this answer leaves much to be desired, with a lot of grave fake statements and misinformation. Wrong expressions mentioned are “sex slaves” and “Many of them could not return home until the war ended.” If the person who asked is well-informed, mistakes are easily detected. The answer is mixed with fake information, as mentioned in the statement. It is important to nourish media literacy.
Conclusion of the case study
We can clearly see that in obtaining information regarding controversial historical issues, through generative AI, overseas views of history are strongly reflected, and the system is not yet sufficient to disseminate Japanese views of history to the world. However, information disseminated from Japan came to be adopted among teachers’ data, which helps improve the situation. Therefore, it is important to disseminate Japanese views of history widely in English.
As shown by the case study, the ability to discern the authenticity of information or consider the bias is strongly required of an individual. As information along the line of the receiver’s intention is presented on a priority basis,[vi] it is necessary for the receiver to bear this preference in mind and always be careful about whether the obtained information is biased.
[i] YRP Ubiquitous Network Laboratory, greeting from the director (online), cited on July 27, 2024, https://www2.ubin.jp/overview/greeting/.
[ii] O’Reilly Tim. What is Web2.0. (online), cited on July 26, 2024. https://www.oreilly.com/pub/a/web2/archive/what-is-web-20.html.
[iii] Iseki Yosuke. World-class cyber jurist discusses “the problem of Web2.0 before the launch of Web3.” Forbes (online), cited on July 27, 2024. https://forbesjapan.com/articles/detail/48144.
[iv] ecbeing. What is Web3.0(Web3)? Dispersive next-generation Internet-ecbeing (online) cited on July 26, 2024. https://www.ecbing.net/contents/detail/318.
[v] Wikipedia. Wikipedia: policy and guideline. Wikipedia(online) cited on July 26, 2024. https://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:%E6%96%B9%E9%87%9D%E3%81%9D%E3%81%A8%E3%82%AC%E3%82%A4%E3%83%89%E3%83%A9%E3%82%A4%E3%83%B3.
[vi] Kaonavi. What is filter bubble phenomenon? Counter-measures using easy examples, kaonavi(online) cited on July 26, 2024. https://www.kaonavi.jp/dictionay/filter-bubble/.
School history textbooks that do not write facts about the Second Sino-Japanese War
Hiromichi Moteki
Senior Researcher
International Research Institute of Controversial Histories
Japanese https://i-rich.org/?p=2133
1.How do junior high school history textbooks describe the Marco Polo Bridge incident and the Second Sino-Japanese War?
How do school history textbooks of respective publishers deal with the Marco Polo Bridge incident that triggered the Second Sino-Japanese War and the ensuing expansion of the war?
Tokyo Shoseki: In July 1937, on the event of armed clash between the Japanese and Chinese Armies around the Marco Polo Bridge in the suburbs of Beijing (the Marco Polo Bridge incident), the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out. The conflict spread toward Shanghai in central China to become an all-out war.
Teikoku Shoin: In July of the following year (1937), triggered by the Marco Polo Bridge incident in the suburbs of Beijing in which the Japanese and Chinese Armies clashed, the Second Sino-Japanese War started. The Japanese Army also invaded from Southern China and occupied Shanghai and Nanjing, the then capital of the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) Government.
Kyoiku Shuppan: In July 1937, triggered by the Marco Polo Bridge incident in which the Japanese and Chinese Armies clashed, the Second Sino-Japanese War started. In August, the battle spread to Shanghai and without declaring war, the Japanese Army incessantly strengthened forces and expanded the war front.
Yamakawa Shuppan: Amid the worsening relationship between Japan and China, in July 1937, at the Marco Polo Bridge in the suburbs of Beijing, the Japanese and Chinese Armies clashed (the Marco Polo Bridge incident). Coping with this situation, Prime Minister Konoe Fumimaro adopted at first a non-expansion policy. However, under the pressure from the military and in the face of the nation supporting the military, he changed the original policy, increased the forces and expanded the war zone into an all-out war.
Nihon Bunkyo Shuppan: In July 1937, at the Marco Polo Bridge in the suburbs of Beijing, an incident of military clash occurred between the Japanese and Chinese Armies. This incident triggered a war between Japan and China and in August, which spread to Shanghai. Thus, Japan and China entered an all-out war without declaring war. (The Second Sino-Japanese War).
Ikuho-sha: InJuly 1937, amid the growing tension between Japan and China, the Japanese Army stationed in Beijing was fired at by unknown perpetrator while training near the Marco Polo Bridge in the suburbs of Beijing and a battle started between the Japanese and Chinese Armies (the Marco Polo Bridge incident). The Japanese Cabinet of Konoe Fumimaro adopted a non-expansion policy but then decided to increase the forces. In August, the Chinese Army killed a Japanese military officer in Shanghai, which triggered a battle between the Chinese Army and the Japanese Army stationed in Shanghai.
Reiwa Shoseki: And in July of the following year, 1937, the Marco Polo Bridge incident occurred. At that time, the Japanese Army was stationed in Beijing, following the treaty concluded after the Boxers Rebellion which took place in 1900. Japanese troops, engaged in a night drill near the Marco Polo Bridge, were attacked by an unknown shooter. At dawn on the following day, the Japanese Army attacked the base of the Nationalist Revolutionary Army, which escalated into a battle between the two Armies. After this incident, those who were against escalation and wanted to resolve the matter promptly and those who supported escalation to defeat the Nationalist Revolutionary Army on this occasion conflicted with each other. In due time, cease-fire agreement was reached, but Prime Minister Konoe decided to dispatch troops to the Chinese North. In August, when a battle broke out in Shanghai, Prime Minister Konoe abandoned the non-escalation policy and entered an all-out war.
2.The cease-fire agreement on the scene (July 11) tells the very truth about the Marco Polo Bridge incident
We have seen the respective publishers’ descriptions. Tokyo Shoseki, Teikoku Shoin, Kyoiku Shuppan, Yamakawa Shuppan and Nihon Bunkyo Shuppan unanimously write that a military clash incident between Japan and China at the Marco Polo Bridge led to the total war, without mentioning which side attacked first as if the incident happened accidentally and then the incident grew into a bigger conflict.
Ikuhosha, unlike the above mentioned six publishers, writes that the Japanese military “was shot by someone unknown”, but does not at all mention “from which side.”
Reiwa Shoseki also mentions “being shot by someone,” but does not mention at all “from which side,” either.
In fact, there is extremely powerful evidence regarding “which side opened fire.” It is the “on-the- spot cease-fire agreement,” exchanged by both parties on July 11, four days after the incident. It was a paper agreed to by both parties, the Japanese Army (China Stationed Army (6500 strong) and Chinese 29th Army (100,000 strong) and is very important as such. The agreement consists of the following three paragraphs:
- The representative of the 29th Army expresses regret to the Japanese military, punishes the one in charge and declares with responsibility that an incident like this shall never occur again in future.
- The Chinese Army is stationed too close to the Japanese Army at Fengtai, which may easily lead to a conflict, therefore, troops will not be stationed at the east bank of Youngding River near the Marco Polo Bridge and peace and order will be kept by security troops.
- Considering that the incident was provoked by the so-called Blue Shirts Society, the Communist Party and other anti-Japan bodies, measures shall be taken against them, together with a complete crackdown.
In the first paragraph, the Chinese Army apologizes, admitting that the responsibility for the incident rests on the Chinese side and promises to punish the one in charge. It is not to specify the “perpetrator,” but since the Communist Party can be a possible suspect, they promise to conduct thorough crackdown. In either way, China apologizes for the fact that the perpetrator was Chinese.
Despite the presence of such a clear fact, publishers do not refer to this agreement at all but write ambiguously that “The Chinese Army and Japanese Army clashed,” as if out of the blue, which seems to be an attempt to conceal the true perpetrator. In gist, they neglected the most important “on-the-spot cease-fire agreement” only because they wanted to assert that “the perpetrator was the Japanese Army” intending to escalate the conflict into a total war.
In fact, the description of Jiyu-sha used to mention the on-the-spot cease-fire agreement but did not put the original text of this agreement. They were afraid if they had put it, the textbook would surely fail the accreditation of the China-conscious Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology.
In the revised textbook this time, they put this agreement in the column of the textbook with firm belief that it is perfectly adequate to put the solid fact.
Fortunately, the textbook passed the accreditation and the historical fact revealing the truth about the Marco Polo Bridge incident is duly presented in a junior high school textbook.
3.It was not due to “the expansionist” that the war expanded
Next, what is wrong is that “each of the publishers writes about the reason why the war expanded as if the war escalated in a natural course or that there were expansionists in the Japanese Government and urged by the military and civilian supporters of the expansion policy, war was expanded into a total war.
Here, the very important fact is decisively overlooked. It is the fact that mass murder of civilians was committed by the Chinese Army on July 29 (Tongzhou mutiny), as Frederick Vincent Williams put, “to be recorded in history as the worst mass slaughter ever committed since the ancient time to this day.” As calls “to punish China the outrageous” rose across Japan, the Japanese Government made an epoch-making peace plan (Funatsu Peace Plan) on August 5. The government subdued the voices that demanded “to punish China the outrageous” and maintained the non-expansion policy. The theory that the Japanese people’s anger at the massacre at Tongzhou led to the expansion of the Second Sino-Japanese War is completely wrong.
Based on this peace plan, the first negotiation was held on August 9. However, on the evening of that day, First Lieutenant Oyama of Navy Land Battle Army and First Class Seaman Saito were brutally killed in Shanghai. This atrocity was committed by a power willing to prevent the peace-making efforts. According to the book Mao: the Unknown Story written by Ms. Jung Chang, the murder incident was ordered by Commander Zhang Zhi-zhong of the Nanjing and Shanghai Defense Army, a crypto-Communist Party member. The peace negotiations failed, but it was not because Japan got angry and expanded the attacks. In this case, too, it was the Chinese side that plotted the attack. On August 13, four days later, the 30,000-strong Regular Chinese Army hiding in the demilitarized zone in Shanghai started a total attack on the 4,500-strong Japanese Navy Land Battle Army stationed in Shanghai to protect 30,000 Japanese civilians. Japan could not overlook Chinese negligence of the safety of Japanese residents and the agreement and decided to dispatch two Divisions from mainland Japan. Thus, the decisive expansion of war was plotted by the Chinese side and it never caused by the Japanese expansionists. In addition, on August 15, China issued the National Mobilization Order.
Such important facts are not at all written in school textbooks, but it is written as if “expansionists” and Japanese people’s anger caused the war to expand. How deplorable!
In the first place, in the Tokyo Shoseki textbook, at the beginning of the section “the Second-Sino Japanese War and the War-time regime,” it is asked, “How Japan came to wage the Second-Sino Japanese War and how the war affected the Japanese people.” The textbook ignores the fact and on the premise that Japan started the Second Sino-Japanese War explains the Marco Polo Bridge incident and how things went afterwards. What a pity that such literally “anti-Japan” and “anti-fact” descriptions pass the accreditation of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology!